Thursday, April 26, 2018

Race and Racial Groups

Are Chicanos the same as Mexicans? - A Taxonomy


Victor Mendoza-Grado and Ricardo J. Salvador
FAQ from  soc.culture.mexican.
for a more recent version of this FAQ 
see, Newsgroup SOC.CULTURE.MEXICAN, 
Frequently Asked Questions (FAQ) # 46



Spanish people Hispanics Latino Mexican


Mexican-American  Hispano  Chicano  



Spanish people


 This term is used frequently in the United States to refer indiscriminantly to any person that speaks Spanish. As such, it is imprecise and often inappropriate in that it includes people from more than two dozen countries, spanning all of the American continent, the Caribbean and Spain. The term does apply specifically, however, as the proper name for the native people of Spain, and for this reason it is as incorrect to use it to refer to any and all Spanish-speakers as the term "English" would be to refer to citizens of New Zealand, Australia or the United States. 





 This term is often used to refer collectively to all Spanish-speakers. However, it specifically connotes a lineage or cultural heritage related to Spain. As many millions of people who speak Spanish are not of true Spanish descent (e.g., native americans), and millions more live in Latin America (cf., "Latino" below) yet do not speak Spanish or claim Spanish heritage (e.g., Brazilians) this term is incorrect as a collective name for all Spanish-speakers, and may actually be cause for offense. 





This term is used to refer to people  originating from, or having a heritage related  to, Latin America, in recognition of the fact  that this set of people is actually a superset  of many nationalities. Since the term "Latin"  comes into use as the least common denominator  for all peoples of Latin America in  recognition of the fact that some romance  language (Spanish, Portugese, French) is the  native tongue of the majority of Latin  Americans, this term is widely accepted by most.  However, the term is not appropriate for the  millions of native americans who inhabit the region. 





Specifically, the nationality of the inhabitants of mexico. Therefore, the term is used appropriately for Mexican citizens who visit or work in the United States, but it is insufficient to designate those people who are citizens of the United States (they were born in the U.S. or are naturalized citizens of the U.S.) who are of Mexican ancestry.






It is important to explain why [some] people feel it is important to make . . . a  distinction. U.S. citizens who are troubled  by this often point out that most immigrants  do not distinguish themselves by point of  origin first, (i.e., German-American), but  simply as "Americans" (another troublesome term,  but we won't get detoured by that here).  Here are some reasons why many U.S. citizens  of Mexican extraction feel that it is important  to make the distinction: 

Not "Americans" by choice A scant 150 years ago, approximately 50% of what was then Mexico was appropriated by the U.S. as spoils of war, and in a series of land "sales" that were coerced capitalizing on the U.S. victory in that war and Mexico's weak political and economic status. A sizeable number of Mexican citizens became citizens of the United States from one day to the next as a result, and the treaty declaring the peace between the two countries recognized the rights of such people to their private properties (as deeded by Mexican or Spanish colonial authorities), their own religion (Roman Catholicism) and the right to speak and receive education in their own tongue (for the majority, Spanish) [refer to the file GUADHIDA, the text of the treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo, on this same subdirectory]. Therefore, the descendants of this population continue to press for such rights, and many hold that theirs is a colonized land and people in view of the fact that their territory and population was taken over by military force. 

Mexicans first, "Americans" second? Another and more numerous class of U.S. citizens of Mexican extraction are either descendants of, or are themselves, people who conceive of themselves as _temporarily_ displaced from Mexico by economic circumstances. As oppossed to the waves of European migrants who willingly left their countries due to class and religious discrimination, and sought to make their lives anew in the "new world" and never to return to the "old land," these displaced Mexicans typically maintain strong family ties in Mexico (by visiting periodically, and by investing their incomes in homes or kin in Mexico), and usually intend to return to Mexico provided they can become economically secure. Therefore these people maintain and nurture their children in their language, religion and customs. 

However, There is great tension within this population between those of Mexican birth who conceive of themselves as temporary guests in the U.S., and their descendants who are born in the U.S., are acculturated with the norms of broader U.S. society in public schools, and are not motivated by the same ties that bind a migrant generation of Mexicans. This creates a classic "niche" of descendants of immigrants who are full-fledged U.S. citizens, but who typically do not have access to all the rights and priviliges of citizenship because of the strong cultural identity imbued in them by their upbringing and the discriminatory reaction of the majority population against a non-assimilated and easily identified subclass. This group of people feels a great need to distinguish itself from both its U.S. millieu and its Mexican "Mother Culture," which does not typically welcome or accept "prodigals." This is truly a unique set of people, therefore, in that it endures both strong ties and strong discrimination from both U.S. and Mexican mainstream parent cultures. The result has been the creation of a remarkable new culture that needs its own name and identity. 

Mexican-American is commonly used to recognize U.S.  citizens who are descendants of Mexicans,  following the pattern sometimes used to  identify the extraction of other ethnic  americans (e.g., "African-American). This  term is acceptable to many Mexican  descendants, but for those who do not identify  with a Mexican heritage, but rather with a  Spanish heritage, it is unacceptable (cf.,  "Hispano," below).  Also, for those  who do not view themselves as "Americans" by  choice, this term is problematic, and for others  the implication that the identity of the bearer is  unresolved, or in limbo, between two antipodal  influences, belies their self-concept as a  blend that supercedes its origins and is  stronger, richer and more dynamic than either  of its cultural roots.





This term is preferred by that subpopulation, located primarily in the U.S. southwest, who identify with the Spanish settlers of the area, and not with the Mexican settlers (specifically, the creole Spanish-Native American race). There is in fact an important number of these people located along the Rio Grande Valley of New Mexico and in the northern Sangre de Cristo mountain range of the same state. This group has been traditionally a very closed and conservative one, and recent evidence provides important explanations for this: they seem to be descendants of persecuted Jews who fled Spain during the 16th and 17th centuries and sought refuge in what were then the farthest reaches of the known world. They survived by minimizing their contact with outsiders and by hiding or disguising their religious and cultural identities as much as possible. Historical researchers call them "cryptic jews." 





 A relatively recent term that has been appropriated by many Mexican descendants as unique and therefore reflective of their unique culture, though its first usage seems to have been discriminatory. The most likely source of the word is traced to the 1930 and 40s period, when poor, rural Mexicans, often native americans, were imported to the U.S. to provide cheap field labor, under an agreement of the governments of both countries. The term seems to have come into first use in the fields of California in derision of the inability of native Nahuatl speakers from Morelos state to refer to themselves as "Mexicanos," and instead spoke of themselves as "Mesheecanos," in accordance with the pronounciation rules of their language (for additional details, refer to the file MEXICO on this same subdirectory). An equivocal factor is that in vulgar Spanish it is common for Mexicans to use the "CH" conjunction in place of certain consonants in order to create a term of endearment. Whatever its origin, it was at first insulting to be identified by this name. The term was appropriated by Mexican-American activists who took part in the Brown Power movement of the 60s and 70s in the U.S. southwest, and has now come into widespread usage. Among more "assimilated" Mexican-Americans, the term still retains an unsavory connotation, particularly because it is preferred by political activists and by those who seek to create a new and fresh identity for their culture rather than to subsume it blandly under the guise of any mainstream culture.



For additional information and resources on Chicano Studies, a good  starting point is the Chicano-Latino Network (CLNET) accessible  through the University of California - Los Angeles Gopher Server: 70 
under the heading:  ->Chicano/LatinoNet 

Send questions or comments regarding the FAQ to the unmoderators  of the newsgroup:  This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. or This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.



Chicanos as a Racialized Minority

Luis Angel Toro

"A People Distinct from Others": Race and Identity in Federal Indian Law and the Hispanic Classification in OMB Directive No. 15, 26 Tex. Tech L. Rev. 1219, 1246-1252 (1995)

Mexican-Americans, widely conceived of as recent immigrants even in cities named Los Angeles, Albuquerque, and San Antonio, are actually members of a community which has existed continuously in the Southwest since long before 1848. Since the conquest, that community arguably has changed from a northern extension of Mexican society into a distinct Chicano one, but its relationship to the majority society has changed little. Like the communities lumped under the "Black," "Asian/Pacific Islander," and "American Indian" umbrellas, Chicanos have been defined as alien to the mainstream white society whose members viewed themselves as the bearers of a superior European civilization in America. Unlike any other group in the United States, Chicanos are at the same time an indigenous and an immigrant community, comprised of descendants of both Mexicans who lived in the territories ceded to the U.S. in 1848 and Mexicans who crossed the border in later years.

Like the indigenous American nations and Native Hawaiians, and unlike every other ethnic group in the United States, Chicanos came under United States authority through territorial conquest. Mexico's defeat at the hands of U.S. invaders in the war of 1846-1848 left an estimated 60,000 Mexican citizens north of the new border in New Mexico alone. The war itself was marked by numerous atrocities committed against Mexican civilians, leaving lasting bitterness towards the U.S. in both the newly annexed territories and in the remnants of Mexico. The war of 1846-1848 was justified in racial terms. One white opponent of the war wrote that "[t]he Anglo-Saxons have been apparently persuaded to think themselves the chosen people, anointed race of the Lord, commissioned to drive out the heathen, and plant their religion and institutions in every Canaan they could subjugate.... Our treatment both of the red man and the black man has habituated us to feel our power and forget right." Even before the war, the common American belief that "racial mixing" (such as that practiced in Mexico between Europeans, Africans, and indigenous peoples) led to offspring inferior to either "pure" race, combined with anti-Spanish and anti-Catholic ideas inherited from England, insured that Mexicans would be viewed as racial inferiors. Today, Anglo historians generally admit that the war of 1846-1848 was the unjust result of the white supremacist ideology known as Manifest Destiny, which held that God wanted Europeans to drive others out of North America and establish for themselves a democratic republic.

Since that time, Chicanos have been considered a racial minority, never part of the white American majority. The racial nature of anti-Mexican discrimination was examined thoroughly in a 1975 article by Gary Greenfield and Don Kates. Anticipating the U.S. Supreme Court's rulings that race under the Civil Rights Act of 1866 should be defined with reference to the popular conception of race at the time of the Act's passage and not according to scientific theories of racial classification, the authors found that, in 1866, Mexicans were considered members of a nonwhite race. That this race was considered inferior and a suitable target for racial oppression is hardly surprising. In the Southwest, for example, the term "greaser" became a racist epithet for Mexican-Americans.

More recently, Ian Haney Lopez chronicled the process through which Mexicans came to be regarded as members of a different and inferior race by Anglo-Americans in the nineteenth century. Reviewing wartime propaganda and laws such as California's infamous "Greaser Act," Haney Lopez concluded that the myth of Mexican racial inferiority both reinforced Anglo pride in their industrial accomplishments and provided a handy justification for the expropriation of Mexican lands. This conclusion is entirely consistent with the racial realist premise that racial reform occurs when reform serves white interests; the obvious corollary to this theory is that racial oppression will be legally enforced when it will serve white interests.

The situation has not changed over the intervening decades. The Anglos who poured into Texas and the rest of the Southwest brought their apparatus of racial terror, developed to hold the African-American people in bondage, to the newly conquered territories. Mexicans became frequent victims of beatings and lynchings. In 1884, Mexicans fled daily lynchings in the area around Fort Davis, Texas; many Anglos voiced the opinion that the lynchings should continue until no Mexicans remained in the area. Lynchings were a tool of racial oppression elsewhere in the Southwest as well; in California, lynching of Mexicans became so common that in the Chicano community, American democracy became known as "linchocracia."

In the twentieth century, Chicanos have continued to be defined as racially different from the majority. In California, numerous state studies described Chicanos as part of a distinct race. A 1929 report prepared for the governor emphasized that "the bulk of immigration from Mexico into the United States is from the pure Indian or the Mestizo stocks of the Mexican population." At the federal level, a 1925 report by the Department of Labor warned that ninety percent of Latin Americans were of Indian blood and therefore inferior to whites. One Congressman described Mexicans as a "blend of low-grade Spaniard, peonized Indian, and negro slave" and stated that U.S. law must guard against "mongrelization" of the country. These racist opinions led to the mass deportation campaigns of the 1930s, during which approximately 50,000 Chicanos and Mexicans were deported from Los Angeles alone.


When Mexican-Americans started organizing against discrimination, both they and Anglos were aware that the basis for their treatment was racial. The founding document of the League of United Latin American Citizens ("LULAC"), a collection of groups dedicated to ending racial discrimination by asking to be accepted into the white mainstream, declared defiantly its members' "sincere and respectful reverence for our racial origin, of which we are proud." Despite the groups' emphasis on loyalty to the U.S., assimilation into mainstream American society, and devotion to what many would now call "formal equal opportunity," LULAC met fierce resistance when it tried to establish chapters in many parts of Texas. This resistance reflected the ongoing desire of the Anglo majority to keep Texas' Chicano community in a racially subordinated position. Also, a fresh wave of anti-Mexican hysteria led to a second mass deportation. In 1954 alone, over 1,000,000 Chicanos and Mexicans alleged to have entered the country illegally were deported.

The fact that Mexican-Americans are a racially subordinated minority group has been recognized by Supreme Court decisions finding that Mexican- Americans have been the victims of racial (not ethnic, national origin, or language) discrimination, and by congressional findings of racial discrimination against Chicanos.

These events occurred and these findings were made in an era when the Census defined Chicanos as white. Those considering reform of Directive No. 15 are well advised to realize that while the law of racial classification has always played an important role in enforcing racial subordination, Chicano history shows that merely defining someone as white does not guarantee that he or she will be so treated in society. If that were true, the extreme claims by some that Directive No. 15 is the source of racial division in society would be valid, and racism could be abolished simply by passing a law instructing federal agencies to count everyone as white.

We Chicanos, like American Indians, do not generally consider ourselves products of an inferior culture that should be abandoned wholesale in favor of an Anglo lifestyle. Waves of immigration in the twentieth century have not transformed the Mexican-American community into a classic immigrant group enamored of American ideals and "way of life." To the contrary, immigrants became part of the existing Mexican-American community emerging from the harsh realities of invasion and oppression. Brutal treatment of immigrants and those suspected of being immigrants, in turn, reminded Chicanos that they were racial minorities in a racist society and made adoption of Anglo culture and practices seem like an act of aggression against one's own community.

In a detailed study of Chicano ethnic identity in southern California, Susan E. Keefe and Amado M. Padilla found that generational differences (that is, differences based on the number of generations during which one's family has lived north of the border) within the Chicano community are not nearly as profound as widely thought or as the immigrant analogy would predict. Indeed, the authors found no decrease across four generations in perceptions of discrimination or ethnic pride and self-identification as Mexican, Mexican- American, or Chicano. This is not surprising in view of the unique position of Mexican-Americans as the only racial minority whose "mother country" both shares a lengthy land border with the United States and has a history of conflict with the United States. Suspicion and distrust of the neighbor to the north has long been a fundamental aspect of culture and politics in Mexico, and Mexican immigrants brought these attitudes with them.

Even more convincing evidence that Chicanos are not assimilating into white American society came from the "control group" of Anglos in the Keefe/Padilla study, which revealed that ninety-seven percent of Anglo social contacts were with other Anglos, a level of "ethnic enclosure" far higher than that of immigrant or U.S.-born Mexicans. In order to preserve this rate of white-only social interaction, "Anglos must actively discriminate against Chicanos in personal relations." The boundaries set by Anglo avoidance behavior mean that Chicanos can become fully acculturated--that is, speak English as a first language and move comfortably in modern U.S. society--but still not be assimilated--that is, accepted as white. Mary Waters found in her study that white Californians were "very aware of which neighborhoods and areas had Mexican-American residents," and considered this racial boundary far more important than any boundaries between white ethnic groups. Further, white respondents on both coasts viewed racial intermarriage, defined as marriage to an African-American, Asian-American, Puerto Rican, or Mexican, as something to be avoided.

The combination of increasing residential desegregation with the continued preference of Anglos to associate exclusively with each other means that Chicano community identification persists even after the individual Chicano has left the barrio. The spatial community has been replaced with a network of personal ties that, due primarily to Anglo avoidance behaviors but also to Chicanos' desire to retain their own culture, remains "as ethnically segregated as any barrio." Anglo-Chicano social interaction is characterized by mutual recognition of a racialized social boundary--a boundary as real as that between Anglo settlers and indigenous families who lived side by side at the time of the Kansas Indians decision. This reality conflicts with the "White, Hispanic" designation given to Chicanos under Directive No. 15, with its implicit analogy to patterns of assimilation found among European immigrant groups. It is hard to imagine that a group that has been racially subordinated for nearly 150 years will suddenly become part of the group that has been doing the subordinating, yet that is precisely the view incorporated into Directive No. 15.

Even if one restricts the definition of "assimilation" to economic success on par with whites, rather than cultural merger with the white mainstream, Chicanos still display no signs of assimilation. A recent study focused on "third-plus" generation Chicanos--Chicanos whose parents were also born in the United States--to determine the extent to which these persons had made progress toward economic parity with whites. The disturbing conclusion of the study was that no such progress could be demonstrated in the areas of education, class distribution, and earnings. Instead, "third-plus" generation Chicanos more closely resembled Blacks than whites--that is, some had progressed into the middle class while the rest remained near the very bottom of America's class structure. The inquiry into economic progress among native-born Chicanos debunks the myth, fashionable in some circles, that "Hispanic" poverty is simply an artifact of the high proportion of poor immigrants in the sample.

Fear of a Latin Planet

 Marcus Reeves, TellSpin
January 28, 2002

Fear of a Latin Planet: An African American's advice to our soon-to-be largest minority group

Dear Latin Americans:

I got the idea to write this letter after seeing the Puerto Rican Day Parade on TV this summer. Nothing struck me as different about the event until a Latina announcer commented, "In five years, Latin Americans will be the largest minority group in America, 13 percent -- surpassing African Americans."

"Damn!" I thought with a slight but concerned smirk, "Where's that gonna leave us?"

I pondered the thought of African America's shifting relationship with the mainstream. Would Hollywood replace the buffooning, politically nonthreatening black sidekick used in buddy flicks with a Hispanic counterpart? Would black people no longer have exclusive access to that great political and economic tit called White Guilt?

But my thoughts and concerns were only fleeting because, priding myself on being progressive, I realized that things change. So I decided, in good faith, to write you a note. Sort of a passing on of wisdom from the old guard to the new.

First: Don't change the name of your group every 15 to 20 years. You've progressed from Spanish to Hispanic to the more appropriate Latin American. Stick with that. Changing labels only confuses matters and reeks of cultural and social schizophrenia. And it's embarrassing when outsiders start asking, "What are youze people calling yourselves now?" Hell, just look at our dizzying trek through names -- from Colored to Negro to Ethiopians (if you were down with Marcus Garvey), Asiatic (if you were down with Elijah Muhammad), to black to Afro-American to Nubian to African American. Oh, and don't forget nigger (which wasn't our idea), or nigga. Bottom line: Simplicity and consistency work.

Next: Copyright all jargon, colloquialisms, and slang terms you invent. Pop culture works from the bottom up, and it usually draws its language from African-based minorities. Protect yourself and get the whole enchilada. (Hey! You may want to start with that one.) If the terms hit big, you get paid. If they stay local, at least you retain control. God knows we'd be gazillionaires had we just copyrighted things like rock 'n' roll, jazz, rappin', booya! and that greeting for the 21st century, Wuzzuuuuup!

Since you'll be the top dog minority, universities and corporations will start accepting more of you to "diversify" their appearance. If you are the person picked, don't fully believe the I've-made-it hype. You are a political and economic tool, so think and move accordingly. Use the resources from that place to build something lucrative for yourself and your people. And do it quick, before Republicans start thinking they've paid whatever debt America owes you and start taking shit away.

Also, nip that division along dark/light complexions in the bud. Don't think folks aren't listening when, for instance, non-Dominicans call Dominicans "the niggers of the Latin world," or say that Mexicans are lowest on the Latin totem pole. In the mainstream's eye, a nigger can be a spic, but all spics are niggers (you just got off the slave ships a little early).

My final piece of advice has to do with politics. In the event of a fight for civil or human rights in this country, don't let the media pick your leaders. I bring up this point because when you become the largest minority group, things will prove to be interesting. With your numbers rising in states like California, the minorities (Latinos, blacks, and Asians) become the majority -- and New York, Texas, and Florida are soon to follow. When the "majority" starts to feel the squeeze, look out for the backlash and the slipping away of rights and services. After you start voicing your discontent, the media will pick a moderate figure from your group -- someone who has no interest and no connection to your angst -- to quote and put in the spotlight.

There you have it. I hope my suggestions are useful when you're passed the scepter of "majority minority" in 2005. These words, though they're premature, should help ease you through a future you'll spend maneuvering through that double-edged and fork-tongued acceptance by the mainstream.

When your day finally arrives, we'll simply set a bigger place at the table and enjoy the company as we all keep white America guessing about who's coming to dinner.

Yours truly,

Marcus Reeves

Marcus Reeves is the Publisher and Editor-in-chief of This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. 


Internalized Oppression and Latinos

Laura M. Padilla

excerpted from: "But You're Not a Dirty Mexican": Internalized Oppression, Latinos & Law, 7 Texas Hispanic Journal of Law and Policy 61-113, 65-73 (Fall 2001) (347 Footnotes Omitted)

Internalized racism has been the primary means by which we have been forced to perpetuate and "agree" to our own oppression.

In order to understand the many ways in which internalized oppression and racism affect subordinated communities, it is important to have a general background on these forces. Thus, this part of the article will describe internalized oppression and racism generally and will then describe how internalized oppression and racism are particularly manifested in the Latino community. This will better allow the reader to comprehend why Latinos engage in the specific types of self-destructive behavior described throughout this article.

A. Working Definitions of Internalized Oppression and Racism

When a victim experiences a hurt that is not healed, distress patterns emerge whereby the victim engages in some type of harmful behavior. Internalized oppression has been described as the process by which these patterns reveal themselves.

[T]hese distress patterns, created by oppression and racism from the outside, have been played out in the only two places it has seemed "safe" to do so. First, upon members of our own group--particularly upon those over whom we have some *66 degree of power or control . . . . Second, upon ourselves through all manner of self-invalidation, self-doubt, isolation, fear, feelings of powerlessness and despair . . . .

Thus, internalized oppression commences externally. In other words, dominant players start the chain of oppression through racist and discriminatory behavior. This behavior could range from physical violence prompted by the victim's race, to race-based exclusion, to derogatory race-based name-calling and stereotyping (such as "we don't need any more wetbacks--they just take away our jobs"), together with capitalization on the fears created by those stereotypes.

Those at the receiving end of prejudice can experience physical and psychological harm, and over time, they internalize and act on negative perceptions about themselves and other members of their own group. How might internalized oppression appear generally--that is, not in regards to a particular ethnic or racial group?

Patterns of internalized racism cause us adults to find fault, criticize, and invalidate each other. This invariably happens when we come together in a group to address some important problem or undertake some liberation project. What follows is divisiveness and disunity leading to despair and abandonment of the effort.

Patterns of internalized oppression cause us to attack, criticize or have unrealistic expectations of any one of us who has the courage to step forward and take on leadership responsibilities. This leads to a lack of support that is absolutely necessary for effective leadership to emerge and group strength to grow. It also leads directly to the "burn out" phenomenon we have all witnessed in, or experienced as, effective . . . leaders.

Internalized racism affects our behavior in many other ways, yet always with the result that we harm ourselves and sometimes others. The following section will describe how *67 internalized racism manifests itself specifically within the Latino community.

B. Internalized Racism and Latinos

Internalized oppression operates rather uniformly at both the group and individual levels, regardless of ethnicity, gender, or sexual orientation, through some common behavioral patterns. However, it also manifests itself uniquely depending on the negative stereotypes it causes a particular group to internalize. Latinos' specific history gives rise to the particularities of our internalized oppression and racism. We "share a unique experience of oppression and survival in the United States. Mexicans and Puerto Ricans, who constitute the largest and oldest Latino/a communities within the official borders of the United States, were attacked, invaded, colonized, annexed, and exploited by the United States." This oppressive behavior toward Latinos is deep-rooted. Jeanne Guana elaborates:

[A]fter the Mexican American War ended in 1848, people of Mexican origin faced lynchings, land theft and virulent racism. Later, in times of economic depression, people of Mexican origin--citizens and non-citizens alike--were deported en masse . . . . As a result, many Mexican-origin people internalized the racism and learned to despise all things Mexican.

Despising all things native to ourselves causes unhealthy behavior, including self-loathing and participation in the perpetuation of negative stereotypes. Latinos may be conditioned to believe that other Latinos-- particularly recent immigrants--are taking jobs away from United States citizens or are unfairly taking advantage of United States social services. Additionally, we may refrain from using Spanish in professional settings because it will betray our heritage, or we may believe that Whiter is better. "From the Latina/o viewpoint, the desirability of whiteness represents the internalization by the colonized of the colonizers' predilections." The remainder of this section will provide greater detail on ways that internalized racism affects the Latino community, both at the group and individual levels.

*68 At the group level, internalized oppression and racism involve harmful or destructive conduct by members of a group directed at other members of the same group. "[Internalized racism] has been a major ingredient in the distressful and unworkable relationships which we so often have with each other. It has proved to be the fatal stumbling block of every promising and potentially powerful . . .liberation effort that has failed in the past." Internalized racism thus thwarts Latinos' empowerment efforts. For example, Latino groups often wither when leadership issues revolve around how "ethnic" one is. To wit, at California Western School of Law, one year a majority of the La Raza law students refused to elect a blond student to a board position because she was not perceived to be "Mexican" enough, even though she was born in Mexico, spoke better Spanish than most of her classmates, and was a committed activist. The experience was devastating. Internalized oppression and politics of race impeded her advancement and prevented her from performing work that would have benefited the Latino community. I have seen the same politics of race emerge among La Raza Lawyers of San Diego--members' credibility was frequently based on whether they were perceived as either "too dark" or "too light," depending on the issue.

Group-level internalized racism also reveals itself through the way Latinos view other Latinos. For instance, many people in the Latino community believe the tired propaganda that Latino immigrants are a drain on social services. As far back as 1913, "the Commissioner of Immigration . . . publicly announced his fear that Mexicans might become public charges, since according to these authorities, Mexicans came to the United States only to receive public relief." Today, many Americans harbor that same belief about recent immigrants, and too many Latinos believe it. If those who believe this propaganda were to look beyond the myths to the facts, they would learn that many immigrants contribute more to our society than they receive. One expert "estimates that immigration brings economic benefits to the United States in the range of $6 to $20 billion annually--small, but still a net positive gain." Moreover, "there is overwhelming evidence that undocumented immigrants pay more in taxes than they receive in public benefits." When researching campaigns to limit immigration, Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic found that even conservative think tanks concluded that "immigration is a net benefit, not a drawback to the *69 regions in which immigrants settle." Their research uncovered conservative spokespersons who emphasized that "legal immigrants are more likely than natives to participate in the labor force. . .and that immigrants earn roughly $700 more a year per capita than natives, with those who entered the United States before 1980 earning nearly $4,000 more." Moreover, many immigrants, particularly Latinos, exhibit entrepreneurial spirit, often starting their own businesses. "According to the Greenlining Institute in San Francisco, most of the new small business development in California that helped to move the state's economy forward was fueled by Latino entrepreneurs." Thus, rather than taking more than their share of public benefits, in many cases Latinos disproportionately contribute to the economic health of the United States.

Internalized racism in the Latino community also reveals itself at the individual level. For example, nearly half of all Hispanics consider themselves White. More telling, there is a great deal of self- loathing tied to the darkness of one's skin. One Mexican American, who asserted that he "would have been only too happy to look as Mexican as my light-skinned older brother," admitted that he felt "shame and sexual inferiority . . . because of my dark complexion." He continued describing himself: "With disgust . . . I would come face to face with myself in mirrors. With disappointment I located myself in class photographs--my dark face undefined by the camera which had clearly described the white faces of classmates. Or I'd see my dark wrist against my long-sleeved white shirt."

At a more personal level, I have heard friends and family attempt to one-up each other about how "gro" their children or grandchildren are. I remember my mother's best friend bragging about how gra her first granddaughter was as she pulled out a photograph of a hirsute, dark baby. Rather than ask each other why her friend felt the need to assert her granddaughter's "gra-ness," my mother and I instead later compared the granddaughter's "gra-ness" to the "gra/o-ness" of our own family members. We succumbed to the conditioning that Whiter is *70 better without even realizing it. We also use a grading process brought about by this conditioning to rank the acceptability of boyfriends, girlfriends, spouses, and partners. Lighter is preferred; darker is grudgingly accepted so long as that person is Latino. To go any darker may put one at the risk of family alienation. As one Latino expressed it:

The unpleasant truth is that whether or not Mexican-Americans consider inter-racial relationships to be acceptable has everything to do with the specific race involved. The clearest analogy: a ladder. The social ladder, if you will. At the top of the ladder is the color white, owing to generational assumptions that the fair-skinned shall inherit the earth. At the bottom is the color black, the color of subjugation. Inferiority. In the middle, nesting precariously between the extremes, is the color brown.

We have been conditioned at many levels and for many centuries to believe that lighter skin is more desirable. Although some may be puzzled as to why Latinos would perpetuate that belief, it is readily explained.

It is hardly surprising that minorities have often sought to "pass" as White--i.e., present themselves as White persons. They did so because they thought that becoming White insured greater economic, political, and social security. Becoming White, they thought, meant gaining access to a whole set of public and private privileges and was a way to avoid being the object of others' domination. Whiteness, therefore, constituted a privileged identity.

Survival instincts coupled with an unquestioned acceptance of liberal ideology promoting pursuit of individual well-being pushes us to claim a White identity. Yet a critical analysis of that pursuit reveals some flaws in the goal. Most fundamentally, that goal asks us to forfeit our cultural and ethnic identity. Another flaw is that it assumes that even if one wanted to "pass" for purposes of obtaining White privilege, the privilege would follow. As explained elsewhere in this article, even if Latinos self-identify as White, they cannot control how others see them. So long as they are viewed as Latino, they will not obtain the White privilege that they crave. Here lies the greatest risk of all, as one could lose one's ethnic and familial identity without ever achieving one's desired identity, thus leaving an untethered soul who fits in nowhere.

Even if one does not attempt to "pass," one can consciously or subconsciously attempt to acquire White privilege through the choice of a spouse. Critical race theorists have left the *71 sensitive topic of spousal selection in interracial relationships largely unexplored, even though this study would shed light on the complex relationship between subordination and White privilege. Although I will not analyze this topic at length here, at some risk, I will share some of my own experiences. I married an Anglo and in reflecting on why I married my husband, I realize that the reasons are many, complex, and positive, and that I never consciously chose not to marry a Latino. However, it is not as clear to me whether I subconsciously chose not to marry a Latino. During law school, I spent countless hours with my Latino classmates and one year I co-chaired the Stanford Latino Law Students' Association ("SLLSA"), but I did not date my Latino classmates. One reason was that there were not many Latinos at the law school and many of the few had girlfriends. Another reason that I reveal with reluctance is that I saw too many marriages in my family break up because of the man's infidelity. Of course many non-Latino men are unfaithful, and I never believed that all Latino males were unfaithful, but my family history made me nervous. That nervousness was later compounded when I became active with La Raza Lawyers of San Diego. At parties and out of town conferences, I noticed that a significant number of men suddenly lost their wedding rings and seemed to spend too much time with women who were not their wives. So I remind myself that this behavior is characteristic of many men, not just Latinos. When I experience this unease, am I unconsciously succumbing to internalized racism by believing negative stereotypes about Latino men? My need to ask this question reveals one of the dangers of internalized oppression--we frequently do not even realize when or how we are prejudiced against ourselves.

Other manifestations of internalized racism include behavior resulting from envidia, or jealousy. Latinos, for instance, frequently inwardly, and sometimes outwardly, question the qualifications of other successful Latinos. It is heartening that this is not uniform--many Latinos provide mutual support networks by, for example, intentionally and systematically referring business to each other. Nonetheless, we too frequently neglect to provide support for each other and even worse, we actually conspire against each other. This tendency is illustrated by a popular Mexican folk story:

*72 A man stumbles upon a fisherman who is gathering crabs and placing them in a bucket with no lid. When the passerby asks the fisherman whether he is concerned that the crabs might climb out of the bucket and crawl away, the fisherman replies that there is no need to worry. "You see," he says, "these are Mexican crabs. Whenever one of them tries to move up, the others pull him down . . . ."

The envidia phenomenon sabotages Latino unity and requires our attention. We need to challenge negative stereotypes about Latinos, refuse to perpetuate negative stereotypes about other Latinos, recognize sabotaging behavior among ourselves, and convert that behavior and the environment that promotes it into a supportive environment.

Internalized racism is also displayed when Latinos experience self-doubt upon receiving either admission into a top university or a prestigious job offer. This "impostor" dilemma haunts many of us. How did I get here? Do I truly belong? The answers, respectively, are through hard work and perhaps some serendipity, and yes. However, because of internalized racism, we doubt our qualifications and hard-earned credentials and succumb to the often not-very-delicate suggestions that we do not belong.

We also denigrate ourselves through both our treatment of the Spanish language and our support of the English-only movement. By the former, I mean that Latinos can cavalierly use Spanish when convenient--for example, to temporarily bond with other Latinos, while also being ashamed by it when it reveals too much of our heritage. Through support of the English-only movement, we send the message that we should be ashamed of our inherited language. When we support this movement, we admit Latino inferiority and accept the notion that Latinos are "dangerous because of their language. It perceives the Spanish language as a threatening foreign *73 influence that must be eradicated to preserve cultural purity." Accordingly, internalized racism causes Latinos to distance themselves from the Spanish language. This distancing increases as income rises and assimilation becomes more complete. As one study indicates, "[A]lmost 40 percent of Latino respondents prefer English as their dominant language, and 92 percent prefer either monolingual English or bilingual English and Spanish . . . . Over time, and as Latino socioeconomic status improves, Latino language preferences, while bilingual, move closer to an English predominance for . . . [survey] respondents." Latinos who intentionally distance themselves from Spanish accept "[t]he assimilationist ideal [that] would have Latinos learn English and completely lose their Spanish-speaking ability." Rather than being a source of embarrassment, as one academic suggested, our language should be a source of cultural pride; "Latino/as must learn to celebrate their language if they are to find strength in their common identity."

This part outlined just a sampling of the many negative stereotypes about Latinos. When we accept these stereotypes about ourselves and other Latinos, we acceptthe "colonized mentality" and engage in actions consistent with internalized racism. These actions are harmful in and of themselves, and the consequences can be even more severe when the stakes are higher--for example, when legislation is proposed that directly harms the Latino community. . . .



Defining Racial Groups
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American Indian and Inuits
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Hispanic/Latino Americans
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White (European) American
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Biracial and Multiracial
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Other Racial Groups
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What is Race?
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